[Infowarrior] - The Fog of Cyberwar
Richard Forno
rforno at infowarrior.org
Mon Apr 20 03:25:04 UTC 2009
The Fog of Cyberwar
NATO military strategists are waking up to the threat from online
attacks.
By Evgeny Morozov | NEWSWEEK
Published Apr 18, 2009
From the magazine issue dated Apr 27, 2009
http://www.newsweek.com/id/194605
Ghostnet sounds like something John le Carré would invent. This vast
cyber-espionage operation spanned 1,295 computers worldwide, a third
of them located in ministries of foreign affairs, embassies,
international organizations and news media, some holding classified
data. According to a report by three Canadian security think tanks in
March, it included at least one unclassified computer at NATO
headquarters in Mons, Belgium. Although the culprit is unidentified,
some experts suspect China. Whether it exploited any of the data is
hard to say. That it could obtain it so easily has raised eyebrows in
the world's mightiest military alliance.
NATO is only just beginning to recognize that the Internet has become
a new battleground, and that it requires a military strategy. As
economic life relies more and more on the Internet, the potential for
small bands of hackers to launch devastating attacks on the world
economy is growing. To counter such threats, a group of NATO members,
including the U.S. and Germany, last year established a kind of
internal cybersecurity think tank, based in a former government
building in Tallinn, Estonia. The 30 staffers at the Cooperative Cyber
Defense Centre of Excellence analyze emerging viruses and other
threats, and pass on alerts to sponsoring NATO governments. They are
also working to bring the allies together on the elusive issues that
deepen the fog of cyberwar.
Experts with backgrounds in the military, technology, law and science
are wrestling with such questions as: What qualifies as a cyber
"attack" on a NATO member, and so triggers the obligation of alliance
members to rush to its defense? And how can the alliance defend itself
in cyberspace? Already, the debate is producing strikingly different
answers: as Washington moves to create a new "cybersecurity czar" and
new funds for cyberdefenses, Estonia is moving much of the job into
civilian hands, aiming to create a nation of citizens alert and wise
to online threats.
The choice of Estonia as the home to NATO's new cyberwar brain trust
is not accidental. In 2007 Estonia was in a public squabble with
Russia over the fate of a Soviet-era monument when it suddenly found
itself under a wave of cyberattacks. Among the targets were two of
Estonia's biggest banks, whose online systems were severely degraded
for several hours. The scale of the economic damage is still
classified as a state secret, but the fact that this happened in "E-
stonia," a proud digital society where even parking meters take
payment via text messages, was eye-opening. Although the decentralized
nature of cyberattacks made it hard to know whether the Kremlin
ordered the attacks, clues led Estonia to a Russian suspect, whom the
Kremlin refused to extradite.
One thing is clear: Russia gained from what may be the first
successful invasion in the new age of cyberwar. Hillar Aarelaid, a
manager at Estonia's computer emergency response team, who coordinated
Estonia's defenses during the assault, told me that the attack used a
nasty weapon called a "distributed denial of service," or DDOS. Cheap
to organize and devastating, DDOS involves a small gang of hackers who
command a cyber-army of infected PCs to overwhelm the Web sites of a
bank (or other institution) with seemingly legitimate requests. Yet
Aarelaid believes that the attackers who came after Estonia aimed to
flaunt the range and power of their arsenal. If the orders came from
the Kremlin, the message to former Soviet satellites was clear: defy
us at your own risk. Estonia, courageously, went ahead and moved the
Soviet monument anyway.
The attack revealed the vulnerability of a NATO member to external
pressure. If a group in Russia could wreak so much havoc over a
statue, imagine what a state-sponsored effort could do? Attackers
could infect and gain control of thousands of computers—much like
GhostNet did—and go after banks all across Europe, leading to digital
chaos—online banking would go down, credit-card purchases couldn't be
verified. Factor in electricity grids, dams and airport navigation
systems, which are connected to the Internet, and it begins to sound
like a Hollywood movie.
The trick, from NATO's standpoint, is figuring out when an attack is
hacker mischief and when it's a military matter. Back in 2007,
Estonia's minister of defense stated that "the attacks cannot be
treated as hooliganism, but have to be treated as an attack against
the state." But no troops crossed Estonia's borders, and there was
almost nothing that we associate with a conventional conflict. How to
respond, and against whom? The first step, say scientists at the
center, is to identify when a threat warrants a military response. "In
the absence of a clear legal framework for dealing with cyberattacks,
it's very hard to decide whether to treat them as the beginning of
armed conflict," says Rain Ottis, one of the center's senior scientists.
The United States is clearly leaning toward a military strategy. In
March the U.S. Senate took up a bill that would bring cybersecurity
work at the NSA, Air Force, DHS and a dozen other agencies under a
"cybersecurity czar," who would also become a "national cybersecurity
adviser." It would arm this person with unprecedented powers,
including the right to shut off federal networks if they are found to
be vulnerable. If passed, the bill might result in even further
militarization of cyberspace; today, virtually all major security
contractors—from Lockheed Martin to Boeing—have already set up
cybersecurity divisions, fighting for government funds. U.S.
government spending on secure computer networks is forecast to rise
from $7.4 billion in 2008 to $10.7 billion in 2013. Most of NATO's
biggest members, including France, Britain and Germany, appear to be
following the U.S. lead.
Estonia, on the other hand, is choosing not to play up fear of a
cyberwar. Such talk in 2007 only made already strained relations with
Russia worse. Instead, it prefers to demilitarize the issue by
shifting the responsibility for cybersecurity from the Ministry of
Defense to the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Communications, and is
working to identify the services—like online banking—that are most
critical to running a digital economy. The Estonians are stepping up
efforts to educate citizens on how to identify risks, and creating
graduate programs in cybersecurity. Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar, the senior
defense adviser at Estonia's defense ministry and one of the country's
leading cybersecurity officials, speaks of promoting a "culture of
cybersecurity," starting with schoolchildren.
The Estonians have the right idea. Cyberattacks would be prohibitively
expensive if hackers had to build their own computers, rather than
hijacking idle ones. And a society of savvy citizens is the best
defense, because they have every incentive to stay ahead of the
hackers; industry tends to stay a step behind, because attacks create
a demand for new software. That's how America's reliance on
centralized military industries could backfire: they are not numerous
or nimble enough to fight Internet battles. Estonia's civilian answer
is both more likely to prove popular in diplomatic circles, and more
likely to be successful.
© 2009
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