[Infowarrior] - Cyberwar Rhetoric Is Scarier Than Threat of Foreign Attack
Richard Forno
rforno at infowarrior.org
Tue Mar 30 02:49:01 UTC 2010
Cyberwar Rhetoric Is Scarier Than Threat of Foreign Attack
Military industry uses fear to grab money; Americans and the Chinese
are not stupid
By Marcus Ranum
Posted March 29, 2010
http://www.usnews.com/opinion/articles/2010/03/29/cyberwar-rhetoric-is-scarier-than-threat-of-foreign-attack.html
Marcus Ranum is an expert on security system design and chief security
officer for Tenable Network Security.
I've worked on information security for more than 20 years, and during
that time, there hasn't been a year that has gone by without news like
"hacker breaks into Department of Defense computer networks" or
"industrial spies access high-tech plans." Suddenly, the steady
drumbeat of computer/network security has been pushed to center stage,
and now our government is talking about "cyberwar" and pointing a
finger at China. Unless you've been asleep for a decade, you ought to
be worried when our government starts using the rhetoric of warfare—
especially vocabulary like "pre-emptive" and "deterrence." Why the
sudden change?
Anyone involved in sales knows the "FUD sell"—based on fear,
uncertainty, and doubt. Some of the talking heads who are declaring us
to be in danger want to sell billions of dollars of solutions to the
problem. They are often the same people who had "ownership" of the
problem before they stepped through the revolving door into private-
sector executive positions. Now they'll get it right? I'm skeptical.
Let's consider what they're saying. The notion of cyber war is that it
would serve as a "force multiplier" for conventional operations.
Preparatory to attacking a target, communications networks and command/
control systems would be disrupted, power systems might be temporarily
crashed, navigation systems confused, etc. Proponents of cyberwar
claim that it might save lives; I've even heard them claim it's more
effective to recoverably crash a nation's power grid than to bomb it
with precision airstrikes. The misdirection works, however. We're now
down into the technical weeds and lose track of the main question:
"What war?"
When some pundit says that we're losing a cyberwar to China, is he
saying that China is preparing to crash our electronic infrastructure
so that it can invade? The mind boggles. The last time I asked a
cyberwar proponent that question, he quickly explained that, no, we
were talking about potential economic warfare. But isn't there already
an ongoing economic war we call "the global economy"? Assuming China
would try to deliberately crash our economy presupposes that the
Chinese are so stupid that they'd want to devalue the huge chunk of
the U.S. economy that they already own, and crater their own economy
while they were at it. I keep waiting for a spokesperson of the
Chinese government to officially say, "Please stop assuming we're
idiots." If China wanted to drop the hammer, it would start trading in
euros instead of dollars. But who has the time and energy to invade,
disrupt, or destroy? We're business partners, we're competitors, and
there's money to be made!
Isn't it absurd that the FBI announces that our "smart power grid"
systems are massively penetrated by cyberwarriors from "hostile
powers" even as U.S. energy companies are bidding on multibillion-
dollar contracts with the Chinese to sell them their own smart power
grid?
All websites are constantly probed for weaknesses by robotic worms,
spammers, hackers, and maybe even a government agent or two.
Complaining will not work. Making threats will not work. If cyberwar
changes one thing about the military landscape, it's that we can
finally put away the hoary old saying, "The best defense is a strong
offense." The only defense in cyber war is having a good defense.
Intelligence—cyberespionage, if you will—is not cyberwar. It's just
business as usual. But the cyberwar pundits lump every thing in the
same bucket, pointing the finger at another nation-state and saying
we're under attack. What's scary is that the accusations are coming
from places they shouldn't be. I think we're seeing a bureaucratic
attempt at budget and turf enlargement by the FBI. But someone needs
to ask why the nation's cops are suddenly involved in international
diplomacy. That's the State Department's job.
And accusations should be accompanied and supported by publicly
accessible facts, not just leaked classified reports. The reports
apparently contain bizarre inaccuracies. According to journalist
Gerald Posner, the FBI's classified report indicates that China has
developed an army of 180,000 cyberspies. Were the Chinese planning
human-wave attacks? Or did the FBI count every student studying
computer science in China as a government-sponsored cyberwarrior? That
might seem like a facetious question, but recently we learned that, in
one of those reports, a computer science graduate student's paper on
power-grid security was magically transformed into a road map for
cyberattacks on the United States. Elsewhere, fevered claims that
cyberwar could have "WMD-like effects" are offered, an insult to any
reader's intelligence.
The Estonian cyberwar of 2007 is another good example. Initially, wild
claims were that it was a Russian-sponsored attack of incredible
sophistication, a possible preparation for a real assault. It turned
out to be more a case that the Estonian government's defenses were
weak, a handful of individuals caused all the trouble, and Russia
wasn't involved.
Or consider the July 2009 attacks that initially appeared to come from
North Korea, leading Republican Rep. Peter Hoekstra of Michigan to
call for U.S. retaliation. Researchers determined that the attacks
originated with a handful of individuals in the United Kingdom. If you
can't be sure who is attacking you, retaliation is not just stupid,
it's immoral.
As taxpayers, we have a problem: Give more money to someone who built
a disaster, and you'll get a bigger, more expensive disaster. The need
for a mature, national-level approach to cybersecurity is painfully
clear, and it starts with leadership, rational assessment of our
problems, cessation of finger-pointing and yellow-peril screeching,
and an honest after-action review of how we got to where we are today.
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