[Infowarrior] - Good WSJ Op-Ed on Terrorism
Richard Forno
rforno at infowarrior.org
Sun Jan 10 17:55:21 UTC 2010
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704130904574644651587677752.html
JANUARY 9, 2010
Undressing the Terror Threat Running the numbers on the conflict with
terrorists suggests that the rules of the game should change
By PAUL CAMPOS
—Paul Campos is a professor of law at the University of Colorado.
I'm not much of a basketball player. Middle-age, with a shaky set shot
and a bad knee, I can't hold my own in a YMCA pickup game, let alone
against more organized competition. But I could definitely beat LeBron
James in a game of one-on-one. The game just needs to feature two
special rules: It lasts until I score, and when I score, I win.
We might have to play for a few days, and Mr. James's point total
could well be creeping toward five figures before the contest ended,
but eventually the gritty gutty competitor with a lunch-bucket work
ethic (me) would subject the world's greatest basketball player to a
humiliating defeat.
The world's greatest nation seems bent on subjecting itself to a
similarly humiliating defeat, by playing a game that could be called
Terrorball. The first two rules of Terrorball are:
(1) The game lasts as long as there are terrorists who want to harm
Americans; and
(2) If terrorists should manage to kill or injure or seriously
frighten any of us, they win.
These rules help explain the otherwise inexplicable wave of hysteria
that has swept over our government in the wake of the failed attempt
by a rather pathetic aspiring terrorist to blow up a plane on
Christmas Day. For two weeks now, this mildly troubling but
essentially minor incident has dominated headlines and airwaves, and
sent politicians from the president on down scurrying to outdo each
other with statements that such incidents are "unacceptable," and that
all sorts of new and better procedures will be implemented to make
sure nothing like this ever happens again.
Meanwhile, millions of travelers are being subjected to increasingly
pointless and invasive searches and the resultant delays, such as the
one that practically shut down Newark Liberty International Airport
last week, after a man accidentally walked through the wrong gate, or
Tuesday's incident at a California airport, which closed for hours
after a "potentially explosive substance" was found in a traveler's
luggage. (It turned out to be honey.)
As to the question of what the government should do rather than keep
playing Terrorball, the answer is simple: stop treating Americans like
idiots and cowards.
It might be unrealistic to expect the average citizen to have a
nuanced grasp of statistically based risk analysis, but there is
nothing nuanced about two basic facts:
(1) America is a country of 310 million people, in which thousands of
horrible things happen every single day; and
(2) The chances that one of those horrible things will be that you're
subjected to a terrorist attack can, for all practical purposes, be
calculated as zero.
Consider that on this very day about 6,700 Americans will die. When
confronted with this statistic almost everyone reverts to the mindset
of the title character's acquaintances in Tolstoy's great novella "The
Death of Ivan Ilyich," and indulges in the complacent thought that "it
is he who is dead and not I."
Consider then that around 1,900 of the Americans who die today will be
less than 65, and that indeed about 140 will be children.
Approximately 50 Americans will be murdered today, including several
women killed by their husbands or boyfriends, and several children who
will die from abuse and neglect. Around 85 of us will commit suicide,
and another 120 will die in traffic accidents.
No amount of statistical evidence, however, will make any difference
to those who give themselves over to almost completely irrational
fears. Such people, and there are apparently a lot of them in America
right now, are in fact real victims of terrorism. They also make
possible the current ascendancy of the politics of cowardice—the
cynical exploitation of fear for political gain.
Unfortunately, the politics of cowardice can also make it rational to
spend otherwise irrational amounts of resources on further minimizing
already minimal risks. Given the current climate of fear, any
terrorist incident involving Islamic radicals generates huge social
costs, so it may make more economic sense, in the short term, to spend
X dollars to avoid 10 deaths caused by terrorism than it does to spend
X dollars to avoid 1,000 ordinary homicides. Any long-term acceptance
of such trade-offs hands terrorists the only real victory they can
ever achieve.
It's a remarkable fact that a nation founded, fought for, built by,
and transformed through the extraordinary courage of figures such as
George Washington, Susan B. Anthony and Martin Luther King Jr. now
often seems reduced to a pitiful whimpering giant by a handful of
mostly incompetent criminals, whose main weapons consist of scary-
sounding Web sites and shoe- and underwear-concealed bombs that fail
to detonate.
Terrorball, in short, is made possible by a loss of the sense that
cowardice is among the most disgusting and shameful of vices. I
shudder to think what Washington, who as commander in chief of the
Continental Army intentionally exposed himself to enemy fire to rally
his poorly armed and badly outnumbered troops, would think of the
spectacle of millions of Americans not merely tolerating but actually
demanding that their government subject them to various indignities,
in the false hope that the rituals of what has been called "security
theater" will reduce the already infinitesimal risks we face from
terrorism.
Indeed, if one does not utter the magic word "terrorism," the notion
that it is actually in the best interests of the country for the
government to do everything possible to keep its citizens safe becomes
self-evident nonsense. Consider again some of the things that will
kill 6,700 Americans today. The country's homicide rate is
approximately six times higher than that of most other developed
nations; we have 15,000 more murders per year than we would if the
rate were comparable to that of otherwise similar countries. Americans
own around 200 million firearms, which is to say there are nearly as
many privately owned guns as there are adults in the country. In
addition, there are about 200,000 convicted murderers walking free in
America today (there have been more than 600,000 murders in America
over the past 30 years, and the average time served for the crime is
about 12 years).
Given these statistics, there is little doubt that banning private gun
ownership and making life without parole mandatory for anyone
convicted of murder would reduce the homicide rate in America
significantly. It would almost surely make a major dent in the suicide
rate as well: Half of the nation's 31,000 suicides involve a handgun.
How many people would support taking both these steps, which together
would save exponentially more lives than even a—obviously hypothetical—
perfect terrorist-prevention system? Fortunately, very few. (Although
I admit a depressingly large number might support automatic life
without parole.)
Or consider traffic accidents. All sorts of measures could be taken to
reduce the current rate of automotive carnage from 120 fatalities a day
—from lowering speed limits, to requiring mechanisms that make it
impossible to start a car while drunk, to even more restrictive
measures. Some of these measures may well be worth taking. But the
point is that at present we seem to consider 43,000 traffic deaths per
year an acceptable cost to pay for driving big fast cars.
For obvious reasons, politicians and other policy makers generally
avoid discussing what ought to be considered an "acceptable" number of
traffic deaths, or murders, or suicides, let alone what constitutes an
acceptable level of terrorism. Even alluding to such concepts would
require treating voters as adults—something which at present seems to
be considered little short of political suicide.
Yet not treating Americans as adults has costs. For instance, it
became the official policy of our federal government to try to make
America "a drug-free nation" 25 years ago.
After spending hundreds of billions of dollars and imprisoning
millions of people, it's slowly beginning to become possible for some
politicians to admit that fighting a necessarily endless drug war in
pursuit of an impossible goal might be a bad idea. How long will it
take to admit that an endless war on terror, dedicated to making
America a terror-free nation, is equally nonsensical?
What then is to be done? A little intelligence and a few drops of
courage remind us that life is full of risk, and that of all the risks
we confront in America every day, terrorism is a very minor one.
Taking prudent steps to reasonably minimize the tiny threat we face
from a few fanatic criminals need not grant them the attention they
crave. Continuing to play Terrorball, on the other hand, guarantees
that the terrorists will always win, since it places the bar for what
counts as success for them practically on the ground.
—Paul Campos is a professor of law at the University of Colorado.
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