[Infowarrior] - Loosening of F.B.I. Rules Stirs Privacy Concerns
Richard Forno
rforno at infowarrior.org
Thu Oct 29 02:49:04 UTC 2009
October 29, 2009
Loosening of F.B.I. Rules Stirs Privacy Concerns
By CHARLIE SAVAGE
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/29/us/29manual.html?_r=1&hp=&pagewanted=print
WASHINGTON — After a Somali-American teenager from Minneapolis
committed a suicide bombing in Africa in October 2008, the Federal
Bureau of Investigation began investigating whether a Somali Islamist
group had recruited him on United States soil.
Instead of collecting information only on people about whom they had a
tip or links to the teenager, agents fanned out to scrutinize Somali
communities, including in Seattle and Columbus, Ohio. The operation
unfolded as the Bush administration was relaxing some domestic
intelligence-gathering rules.
The F.B.I.’s interpretation of those rules was recently made public
when it released, in response to a Freedom of Information lawsuit, its
“Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide.” The disclosure of the
manual has opened the widest window yet onto how agents have been
given greater power in the post-Sept. 11 era.
In seeking the revised rules, the bureau said it needed greater
flexibility to hunt for would-be terrorists inside the United States.
But the manual’s details have alarmed privacy advocates.
One section lays out a low threshold to start investigating a person
or group as a potential security threat. Another allows agents to use
ethnicity or religion as a factor — as long as it is not the only one
— when selecting subjects for scrutiny.
“It raises fundamental questions about whether a domestic intelligence
agency can protect civil liberties if they feel they have a right to
collect broad personal information about people they don’t even
suspect of wrongdoing,” said Mike German, a former F.B.I. agent who
now works for the American Civil Liberties Union.
But Valerie Caproni, the F.B.I.’s general counsel, said the bureau has
adequate safeguards to protect civil liberties as it looks for people
who could pose a threat.
“Those who say the F.B.I. should not collect information on a person
or group unless there is a specific reason to suspect that the target
is up to no good seriously miss the mark,” Ms. Caproni said. “The
F.B.I. has been told that we need to determine who poses a threat to
the national security — not simply to investigate persons who have
come onto our radar screen.”
The manual authorizes agents to open an “assessment” to “proactively”
seek information about whether people or organizations are involved in
national security threats.
Agents may begin such assessments against a target without a
particular factual justification. The basis for such an inquiry
“cannot be arbitrary or groundless speculation,” the manual says, but
the standard is “difficult to define.”
Assessments permit agents to use potentially intrusive techniques,
like sending confidential informants to infiltrate organizations and
following and photographing targets in public.
F.B.I. agents previously had similar powers when looking for potential
criminal activity. But until the recent changes, greater justification
was required to use the powers in national security investigations
because they receive less judicial oversight.
If agents turn up something specific to suggest wrongdoing, they can
begin a “preliminary” or “full” investigation and use additional
techniques, like wiretapping. But even if agents find nothing, the
personal information they collect during assessments can be retained
in F.B.I. databases, the manual says.
When selecting targets, agents are permitted to consider political
speech or religion as one criterion. The manual tells agents not to
engage in racial profiling, but it authorizes them to take into
account “specific and relevant ethnic behavior” and to “identify
locations of concentrated ethnic communities.”
Farhana Khera, president of Muslim Advocates, said the F.B.I. was
harassing Muslim-Americans by singling them out for scrutiny. Her
group was among those that sued the bureau to release the manual.
“We have seen even in recent months the revelation of the F.B.I. going
into mosques — not where they have a specific reason to believe there
is criminal activity, but as ‘agent provocateurs’ who are trying to
incite young individuals to join a purported terror plot,” Ms. Khera
said. “We think the F.B.I. should be focused on following actual leads
rather than putting entire communities under the microscope.”
Ms. Caproni, the F.B.I. lawyer, denied that the bureau engages in
racial profiling. She cited the search for signs of the Somali group,
Al Shabaab, linked to the Minneapolis teenager to illustrate why the
manual allows agents to consider ethnicity when deciding where to
look. In that case, the bureau worried that other such teenagers might
return from Somalia to carry out domestic operations.
Agents are trained to ignore ethnicity when looking for groups that
have no ethnic tie, like environmental extremists, she said, but “if
you are looking for Al Shabaab, you are looking for Somalis.”
Among the manual’s safeguards, agents must use the “least intrusive
investigative method that effectively accomplishes the operational
objective.” When infiltrating an organization, agents cannot sabotage
its “legitimate social or political agenda,” nor lead it “into
criminal activity that otherwise probably would not have occurred.”
Portions of the manual were redacted, including pages about
“undisclosed participation” in an organization’s activities by agents
or informants, “requesting information without revealing F.B.I.
affiliation or the true purpose of a request,” and using “ethnic/
racial demographics.”
The attorney general guidelines for F.B.I. operations date back to
1976, when a Congressional investigation by the so-called Church
Committee uncovered decades of illegal domestic spying by the bureau
on groups perceived to be subversive — including civil rights, women’s
rights and antiwar groups — under the bureau’s longtime former
director, J. Edgar Hoover, who died in 1972.
The Church Committee proposed that rules for the F.B.I.’s domestic
security investigations be written into federal law. To forestall
legislation, the attorney general in the Ford administration, Edward
Levi, issued his own guidelines that established such limits internally.
Since then, administrations of both parties have repeatedly adjusted
the guidelines.
In September 2008, Attorney General Michael B. Mukasey signed the new
F.B.I. guidelines that expanded changes begun under his predecessor,
John Ashcroft, after the Sept. 11 attacks. The guidelines went into
effect and the F.B.I. completed the manual putting them into place
last December.
There are no signs that the current attorney general, Eric H. Holder
Jr., plans to roll back the changes. A spokeswoman said Mr. Holder was
monitoring them “to see how well they work” and would make refinements
if necessary.
The F.B.I., however, is revising the manual. Ms. Caproni said she was
taking part in weekly high-level meetings to evaluate suggestions from
agents and expected about 20 changes.
Many proposals have been requests for greater flexibility. For
example, some agents said requirements that they record in F.B.I.
computers every assessment, no matter how minor, were too time
consuming. But Ms. Caproni said the rule aided oversight and would not
be changed.
She also said that the F.B.I. takes seriously its duty to protect
freedom while preventing terrorist attacks. “I don’t like to think of
us as a spy agency because that makes me really nervous,” she said.
“We don’t want to live in an environment where people in the United
States think the government is spying on them. That’s an oppressive
environment to live in and we don’t want to live that way.”
What the public should understand, she continued, is that the F.B.I.
is seeking to become a more intelligence-driven agency that can figure
out how best to deploy its agents to get ahead of potential threats.
“And to do that,” she said, “you need information.”
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