[Infowarrior] - White House Kept Justice Lawyers in Dark on Warrantless Wiretapping
Richard Forno
rforno at infowarrior.org
Sat Jul 11 00:16:29 UTC 2009
White House Kept Justice Lawyers in Dark on Warrantless Wiretapping
By Carrie Johnson and Ellen Nakashima
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, July 10, 2009 4:00 PM
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/10/AR2009071002536_pf.html
The Bush White House so strictly controlled access to its warrantless
eavesdropping program that only three Justice Department lawyers were
aware of the plan, which nearly ignited mass resignations and a
constitutional crisis when a wider circle of administration officials
began to question its legality, according to a watchdog report
released today.
The unclassified summary by five inspectors general from government
intelligence agencies called the arrangements "extraordinary and
inappropriate" and asserted that White House secrecy "undermined" the
ability of the Justice Department to do its work.
The report is the first public sign of a long running investigative
review of a program that provoked fierce conflict within the highest
levels of the Bush administration in 2004. At the time, the Justice
Department's second in command and the director of the FBI both vowed
to resign if President Bush continued with electronic intelligence
gathering that they believed was outside the boundaries of the law.
Today's report was mandated by Congress in legislation last year that
updated the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 to
accommodate new technologies. The bulk of the review remains highly
classified.
The program, which has been called the Terrorist Surveillance Program
(TSP), is part of a broader intelligence effort known as the
President's Surveillance Program, much of which is not known to the
public. The TSP authorized the National Security Agency to intercept
without court warrants international email messages and other
communications believed to involve people with ties to al Qaeda.
The wiretapping program was brought under the oversight of the special
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance court, which is based in the
District, in early 2007, after the New York Times reported its
existence and chronicled unrest within the Bush administration about
its legality.
The inspectors general from the Departments of Justice and Defense, as
well as the CIA, the NSA and the office of the Director of National
Intelligence, said they reviewed thousands of documents and
interviewed more than 200 people in connection with the report,
including Bush era officials John Negroponte, who served as director
of national intelligence, National Security Agency Director Michael V.
Hayden, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Attorney General
Alberto Gonzales.
But other key figures such as Bush White House Chief of Staff Andrew
Card, former Attorney General John D. Ashcroft and former CIA director
George Tenet declined interview requests, investigators said. The
inspectors general lack the authority to compel them to talk.
President Bush authorized the program shortly after the Sept. 11,
2001, terrorist attacks on American soil in a single document, and the
legal approval for the initiative relied on ongoing threat assessments
known among some members of the intelligence community as "scary
memos," the report said.
The program eventually became a symbol of the administration's
excessive secrecy on national security policies. Only three Justice
Department officials -- Ashcroft, former Office of Legal Counsel
lawyer John C. Yoo, and intelligence policy lawyer James Baker -- were
read into the electronic surveillance initiative. Many of their
superiors were kept in the dark, the unclassified summary reported for
the first time today.
One former department lawyer, Jay S. Bybee, told investigators that he
was Yoo's superior in the Office of Legal Counsel but was never read
into the program and "could shed no further light" on how Yoo became
the point man on memos that confirmed its legality. By following this
route, the memos avoided a rigorous peer review process.
The report said Yoo prepared hypothetical documents in September and
early October 2001 before writing a formal memo in November, after
Bush had already authorized the initiative.
In that memo, Yoo concluded that the FISA law could not "restrict the
president's ability to engage in warrantless searches that protect the
national security" and that "unless Congress made a clear statement in
FISA that it sought to restrict presidential authority to conduct
warrantless searches in the national security area -- which it has
not-- then the statute must be construed to avoid such a reading,"
according to the report.
When that analysis reached higher level officials in the Justice
Department in late 2003 and early 2004, they became troubled about the
conclusions and convinced the plan may have run afoul of the law,
ignoring important Supreme Court rulings on the subject of executive
branch power.
The full outlines of the program remain murky and subject to strict
classification, but the inspectors general report said that Yoo "did
not accurately describe the scope" of other intelligence activities in
the President's Surveillance Program, presenting "a serious impediment
to recertification of the program."
Former Justice Department lawyers Patrick Philbin and Jack Goldsmith,
who served in the Office of Legal Counsel, secured access to the
program and began meeting with Gonzales, then the White House counsel,
and David Addington, counsel to Vice President Cheney, to express
their concerns after Yoo left the department in 2003. Goldsmith's
notes from the meetings say that the White House lawyers agreed that
they would "pull the plug" if the trouble with the program grew
serious, the report said.
Disputes over the program prompted a series of meetings in March 2004,
including lobbying by the White House, to try to persuade the Justice
Department lawyers to agree to a temporary continuation of the
surveillance while its legal problems were fixed.
On March 9, 2004, intelligence officials and Cheney met to discuss the
issue without inviting Justice Department leaders. Cheney suggested
that the president "may have to reauthorize without [the] blessing of
DOJ," according to previously unreported notes taken by Mueller
described in today's report. Mueller told the investigators he would
have a problem with that approach.
Later that day, Cheney met with Justice Department officials and told
them that "thousands" of lives could be risked if they did not agree
to continue the program, the inspectors general report said.
The resignation threats came after a dramatic March 10, 2004, hospital
visit by Card, who was then the White House chief of staff, and
Gonzales to the bedside of an ailing Ashcroft. They appeared at the
hospital in an ultimately unsuccessful bid to convince the attorney
general, who was weakened by severe pancreatitis, to sign a document
that would give reauthorize the program despite legal advice from
others in the Justice Department.
Former Deputy Attorney General James B. Comey told the Senate years
later that he had literally sprinted up the stairs of George
Washington University Hospital in an effort to arrive before the White
House advisers. Comey said the episode marked the "most difficult
night of my professional life."
Several subordinates at the Justice Department and FBI Director Robert
Mueller III stood behind Comey in the aftermath of the hospital
confrontation, raising the possibility of a mass departure that would
have attracted wide public attention and invited comparisons to the
Nixon era's Saturday Night Massacre.
Senior White House officials disdained the legal regime imposed on the
program, according to a book by Goldsmith. He reported that Addington
said in February 2004 that "we're one bomb away from getting rid of
that obnoxious [FISA] court."
Goldsmith also said that the information on the program had been so
closely held that Addington denied a request by the National Security
Agency's inspector general to see a copy of the Justice Department
memo supporting the Terrorist Surveillance Program.
"The White House had found it much easier to go it alone, in secret,"
Goldsmith wrote.
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